Die Afrikaner-Broederbond en die totstandkoming van `n onderhandelde skikking. `n Stelsel-analities en politiek strategiese perspektief

Abstract

The ending of apartheid through a negotiated settlement between political role players which led to the new South African political dispensation is widely regarded as a remarkable process. However, the process did not take place in a vacuum, and other role players outside the political environment played a pertinent role in changing mindsets within the Afrikaner establishment to create a climate within which political reforms could take place. One of these role players was the Afrikaner-Broederbond. The study highlights the role of the Afrikaner-Broederbond from a system-analytical perspective. The Afrikaner-Broederbond's role in preparing thinking in Afrikaner ranks and influencing the system, with specific reference to the National Party and government, is developed methodologically and theoretically within Easton's system-analytical approach, which is particularly valuable from a political perspective. Since its establishment, the Afrikaner-Broederbond has found itself in the political arena at various junctures. The Afrikaner-Broederbond, which was initially established as an organisation to promote culture and Afrikaner interests, increasingly functioned as an Afrikaner think-tank for the National Party and, after the 1948 election, also for the National Party in government, as highlighted and discussed in the study. While the republican ideal of the Afrikaner-Broederbond could be realised through this, the Afrikaner-Broederbond became increasingly involved in the development of apartheid and its separation measures in an attempt to protect the white population and, more specifically, the Afrikaners. In the 1980s and early 1990s, the Afrikaner-Broederbond was an integral part of a political system, which is defined as the interaction through which values are authoritatively attributed to a community. The study focuses on the system analysis that functions in an environment which is influenced by various internal and external factors, including economic, social and ecological subsystems. The political system then responds to demands on the input side, which are sometimes economic, sometimes cultural, and sometimes social. Sometimes the demands are of such a nature that they threaten the stability of the system, which was certainly the case in the 1980s. All of these factors that were present and that had an effect on continued stability are highlighted in the study. The system could respond to the demands by making the necessary adjustments in order to reinstate stability. Through the direct and indirect support of the National Party in the 1980s and early 1990s, the Afrikaner-Broederbond as an Afrikaner-interests organisation and think-tank, played a pertinent role on the input side of the system

and, through interaction with government, influenced policy on the output side. Feedback in the system was given to members who were predominantly also National Party voters. When it appeared in 1985 that the National Party government’s reform process was stagnating, the Afrikaner-Broederbond took the lead in influencing the Afrikaner mindset, thereby creating an environment within which the nature and extent of reform could gain momentum. The study takes this period into consideration, and refers to one of the more important, if not the most important, policy documents of the Afrikaner-Broederbond. The document, Basiese Staatkundige Voorwaardes vir die Voortbestaan van die Afrikaner / Basic Political Conditions for the Continuing Survival of the Afrikaner, which was sent to branches by November 1986, undoubtedly represented a division in ways of thinking about the political direction. With this, the Rubicon was crossed. The Basic Political Conditions for the Continuing Survival of the Afrikaner, was a framework document. Various points of view were further developed, including Konsepriglyne vir die Staatkundige Gesprek / Draft Guidelines for Constitutional Discussion, and investigation was done into possible political models. These are further examined in the study, using internal policy documents as a basis. The Afrikaner-Broederbond realised a role for itself in the political processes that constituted the journey towards a negotiated settlement. However, this role, as pointed out in the study, did not materialise, and the Afrikaner-Broederbond was in fact marginalised and excluded by the National Party in the settlement as well as the processes preceding it. For the purposes of the study, the Afrikaner-Broederbond's role, which began in 1986, finally ended with its support of the 1992 referendum. This support was conditional, however, and the study shows that there were expectations from businesses about a follow-up referendum testing the white population's support for, and opinion of, a constitutional dispensation following from the negotiated settlement. Through comprehensive political proposals, the Afrikaner-Broederbond simply helped to create the climate for the Afrikaner establishment to end apartheid. This is confirmed in the study. The proposals and preceding interaction with the ANC also helped create a political climate within which a negotiated settlement could take place. However, the Afrikaner-Broederbond, while helping to develop proposals to ensure certain conditions of existence for the Afrikaner, was not involved in the negotiations and was dependent on the National Party to represent its interests. In the evaluation, the study points out that not only was there a political sacrifice; the conditions of existence of the Afrikaner as provided for in 1986, were

also given up in the process. For a long time, there was a particularly close relationship between the National Party and the Afrikaner-Broederbond. In the critical period of negotiations, the National Party however chose to walk the path of negotiation alone and not involve expert role players from the Afrikaner establishment, or interest groups such as the Afrikaner-Broederbond. For this reason, Afrikaner interests were sidelined, and the settlement was consequently an elite settlement between political parties. Through access to internal documents, including minutes and other discussion documents, as well as interviews with role players within and outside the organisation at the time, valuable insights and perspectives could be developed.